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Brazil: War That Doesn't Speak Its
Name Rages in Brazil
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| Brazil is one of the most violent
places on Earth. Last year, 36,000 people were killed with guns -
more than in any other country. |
RIO DE JANEIRO (By Roger Cohen, NYTimes) January 13, 2007 — Brazil is not for
beginners. That was a line of Antonio Carlos Jobim, the musician who was the
father of the bossa nova movement, wrote "The Girl from Ipanema" and knew that
the languorous sensuality of his country that he captured in that song was only
one aspect of the story.
Another has been on lurid display of late with the killing of more than two
dozen people, including seven incinerated on a bus, since violence led by drug
gangs erupted in Rio on Dec. 28. President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva marked
the beginning of his second term this month by calling the slaughter
"terrorism."
His choice of words upped the ante, but the stakes in Brazil's war that will not
speak its name have been clear enough for some time. Official statistics put
the number of killings in the state of Rio alone at 6,620 in 2004, 6,438 in
2005, and 5,232 in the first 10 months of last year. That's 18,290 violent
deaths in less than three years.
You can look at this figure in several ways: as more than six times the number
of American deaths in the Iraq war since 2003; as about half the estimated
36,000 people killed annually by firearms in all of Brazil; or as the
consequence of combining extreme wealth and extreme poverty in a single poorly
policed metropolitan area of 11 million people awash in cocaine and other
drugs.
No, Brazil is not for beginners. It is not what it seems. There are wars and
wars. This one can seem quite invisible.
On the beaches of Copacabana and Ipanema, the well-heeled try to banish growing
anxiety about "insecurity." Grilled shrimp are sold on skewers and coconuts are
cut open with clean sweeps of a knife and bright plastic beach balls glisten in
the light.
The ocean beside which the wealthy bask is also visible from many of the 752
shantytowns, or favelas, that are Rio's ubiquitous urban stains. The water
lures; it shimmers; it deceives. The reality in the slums is not of space and
sunlight but of confined lives often broken before they have begun.
Think of this city as a child's picture book with jets landing and yachts
passing and traffic sweeping along the waterfront and vegetation sprouting
beneath bold outcrops of rock from which hang-gliders jump and loop toward the
glittering bay. There's enough here to inspire any kid's wonder and
vocabulary.
Or think of it, rather, as the picture book of globalization where high-rises
and luxury shopping malls abut teeming hillside shanties where 9- year-old kids
carry submachine guns, 11-year-old girls get pregnant and gangs control a
multimillion-dollar drug trade that is the passport to status and name-brand
clothes and coveted sneakers.
Rio tends to provoke awe and shame in equal measure. Things have been going
wrong here for some time. The move of the capital to Brasilia more than four
decades ago left the city bereft of its core purpose. Poor migrants from the
Northeast continued to pour in looking for work, but there was little of it.
Often they found only a precarious perch on the hillsides. They had a view but
no income.
Drugs filled the void. Gangs like "Comando Vermelho" ( Red Commando ) or "Terceiro
Comando" ( Third Commando ) formed. They were businesses engaged in the
lucrative trafficking of Colombian cocaine, but they were also purveyors of a
powerful legend of the armed struggle of the poor and humble against the
wealthy. A gun was one way to fight Brazil's skewed income distribution. Gang
leaders gained mythic status.
Over more than 20 years the situation has festered. There is no shortage of
reasons. Police officers with monthly salaries of less than $500 are easily
corrupted. Politicians have also been bought. Prisons are overcrowded. Jail
sentences tend to be short. Impunity is widespread. Inefficiency has been
rampant, with authority and intelligence scattered between competing city, state
and federal authorities.
As a result, Rio's loveliness has never been without its taint of blood. More
than 18,000 violent deaths in less than three years are a lot. If the toll were
in Baghdad, people would be talking about it. But the world's attention is a
capricious thing.
Sergio Cabral, the newly elected governor of the state of Rio de Janeiro, is
determined to bring his attention to bear on the problem and change things. The
recent spurt of violence has been interpreted as a warning to him. But he's
still promising a Giuliani-like clampdown.
"Our public security apparatus has been contaminated," he says in an interview.
"There's been political contamination, and promotions have not been merit
based. We are determined to professionalize the police."
Cabral, a Sony laptop and a Diet Coke at his side, continues: "By contamination,
I mean corruption. We are going to remove the corrupted, be severe with them.
Those in uniform who use their arms to serve themselves rather than serve the
public are on their way out."
Fighting words: Cabral seems resolute. He has already transferred a dozen of
the most dangerous criminals from local prisons to a newly built facility in
another state, where their influence and ability to communicate with gang
leaders will be reduced. He's acted to integrate the city and state police in
more effective way.
He's promising new roads into big slums like Rocinha, where more than 50,000
people live and the drug trade is worth over $1 million a month. He's embarking
on an ambitious family-planning program in the slums, making condoms and the
pill more readily available.
"We have a situation here where a woman in the shanties is having an average of
five children and just down the road a woman in Leblon is having an average of
two or less," Cabral says. "That's unacceptable."
So much here is. But the tropics are lulling. The sun shines, the bossa nova
rhythms seduce, old patterns prove very hard to break. Jobim's girl comes
walking and the blood gets forgotten again.
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